Arthur Erickson, Vancouver architect and “Canada’s most famous architect”, died May 20th at age 84. Quickly following the death of any artist, eulogies are the ultimate tribute to genius and innovation. Greg Buium, writing for CBC, is probably not the only Canadian for whom Erickson’s celebrity status has “faded into our collective memory”, though he seems quite taken with Erickson’s life work. Nicholas Olsberg, guest curator for the Vancouver Art Gallery retrospective Arthur Erickson: Critical Works, calls Erickson a Canadian visionary who has always known “how to make poetry out of architecture.” And Lisa Rochon, architecture columnist for the Globe and Mail, writes that Erickson “sought to inspire humanity through architecture–nothing more than that.” High praise, but is it justified?

While nobody likes to speak ill of the dead, modernist architecture is as controversial–and as unpopular in some circles–today as it was sixty years ago. Breaking with tradition, modernist architects such as Le Corbusier, Frank Lloyd Wright, Arthur Erickson and Eero Saarinen created bold, concrete structures that spoke of a new era of wide open spaces, cars, and speed. Traditional built form was sacrificed to make way for intensely high skyscrapers with repetitive windows, entrances disguised in non-hierarchical facades, massive size, and the new materials of concrete, glass and steel. Eb Zeidler’s Eaton Centre (1972), Mies Van der Rohe’s TD Centre in Toronto (1967), and Erickson’s Simon Fraser University Campus (1963) are some leading examples of modernist architecture in Canada. But you don’t have to go far to see the influence of modernist masters: simply take a trip to your local Veteran’s hall, public school, community centre, apartment block, or Canadian university (Waterloo, Victoria, SFU, York, or UBC for starters). Because modernist architecture took hold at a time of rapid urban expansion in the US, Europe, and Canada, there are examples aplenty. Le Corbusier’s ideas for cities of highrises, elevated on pilotis standing in parks, were adopted in the US, Canada, and Europe in the postwar era, particularly in the design of low-cost and public housing. His design ideas, and those of other famous modernists, became known as the International Style. But what architects hold up as an era of unrestrained experimentation with built form, planners, urbanists, and others condemn as damaging to the urban fabric of cities.

Jane Jacobs, in the Life and Death of Great American Cities (1961), criticized modern architecture for its long, blank facades, pedestrian-hostile forms and massive scale. She also exposed the modernist-influenced planning codes, by-laws, and plans that threatened to re-design cities completely around cars, razing historic neighbourhoods to the ground and replacing them with multi-lane freeways. Indeed, Zeidler’s initial plan for Eaton Centre initially planned to demolish Old City Hall, the Church of the Trinity, closing off seven city streets; the modified plan was only slightly less devastating, and inspired a score of similar malls devastating city after city in Canada, as stores were pulled in off the street, then closed during the 1990s. It was decades before the Eaton Centre’s hostile, inward-looking form was modified, returning the Yonge Street facade to more pedestrian-friendly streetfronts. Van der Rohe’s TD Centre followed modernism’s trend to separate pedestrians completely from cars, with the first underground concourse in the city; the dark, labyrinthine PATH system was expanded from this site.

Designed for a machine age, modernist buildings often seem ill-designed for human use: the elevated “walkways” around Toronto City Hall (Viljo Revell, 1961-65) close the space off visually and force people to enter a major public space by walking under hideous low concrete beams. And once inside, one is met by…more concrete. The plaza is terribly designed, concrete, with little seating or vegetation to mitigate Toronto’s fierce winds, and little attention to pedestrians’ movement through the space. Try finding the entrance to Erickson’s Provincial Law Courts building at Robson Square in Vancouver (1973-79). The concrete pyramid, stepped back with planters and featuring a wall/ceiling of glass on one side, is massive, imposing and frankly uninteresting. Erickson’s adjacent Robson Square, which has been closed for four years for construction, is all bland concrete with one interesting water feature and thankfully, lots of stairs for seating. Where the Law Courts meet Hornby Street, one is confronted with an impenetrable low concrete structure with lines of planters. Yet to be absolutely modern, as Milan Kundera writes in Immortality, means never to question the content of modernity. It means to be forever hopefully about the grand ideas of modernity and to avoid looking at modernity as it is lived in actual detail. Rochon praises “the roar, almost deafening, of water cascading down the side” of the Law Courts, and Olsberg praises Erickson’s commitment to make the Law Courts reflect the transparency of the Canadian Legal System: “There’s that wonderful thing you see in the law courts, of the barristers out there on the balconies conferring with their clients. No one can hide.” Yes, not even from the noise ricocheting off the glass and concrete in a thousand directions; but the Courts are infinitely more beautiful on the inside than their facade would suggest.

Olsberg says that Prince Charles takes visitors to Erickson’s NAPP Laboratories in Cambridge, England (1979), a building Buium describes as having “a futuristic effect reminiscent of 2001: A Space Odyssey“, to show them how innovative British industry is. It is doubtful that HRH could be more inaccurately described, considering his stance on modernist architecture and his advancement of traditional built form. The Royal Architect’s Association just awarded Maggie’s Centre at Charing Cross Hospital the award for London Building of the Year in spite of Prince’s condemnation of the building, the latest in an escalating feud between the Prince and modernist architects in Britain.

Erickson’s masterpiece may well be Vancouver’s Museum of Anthropology (1976), which recalls the form of traditional native longhouses. Featuring a soaring Great Hall of glass and concrete, it highlights the collection of totem poles and other massive sculptures from the Haida, Gitxsan, Nisga’a, Oweekeno and other First Nations. The Rotunda perfectly frames Bill Reid’s impressive sculpture “The Raven and the First Men”. Visitors enter the museum through beautifully carved doors completed by four master Gitxan artists. In this work, the architect managed to fuse form and function, modernism and the ancient past.

While modernist architects may revel in the Erickson’s design of Simon Fraser University, SFU students likely agree with Olsberg that even “architecturally well-versed people are made uneasy [by the design]…I think they find that it’s a little too fierce.” Rochon writes that Erickson “stripped architecture down to structural bones made of honest materials.” Yet this severity is more than a little inhumane: common myths about the university and its gloomy environs are that it has the highest suicide rate in the country, and that when it rains “it looks like the walls are bleeding.” Acres of dismal grey concrete, built low to the ground, with rows of tiny windows aren’t exactly a good fit for one of the rainiest cities in the country, yet Erickson once described concrete as “the marble of our time.” Many architects revel in the idea of designing an entire campus, as it is basically a miniature city, and the closest they will get to realizing a complete vision for a massive site. And like many a Canadian university campus in the 1960s, SFU was a blank slate.

Whether or not today’s modernist-leaning architects will admit it, many of Erickson’s buildings are quickly becoming relics of the past. Their love of the modernist style speaks more to a bygone era than the built form itself, for modernist architecture was built at a time when architects were finally free of the conventions of history. When new was considered inherently better. When the opinions of the masses, of those who lived in dense inner city neighbourhoods or worked in beautiful 1930s walk-ups, could be ignored in order to build the next monolith or freeway. When cities were destroyed to make way for the new, the bold, the futuristic. England’s architects fume because this type of innovation lasted but a couple of brief decades before public opinion converged upon them, and historic preservation and public meetings to discuss the effects of architecture became de rigeur. Many architects are now fighting to preserve well-preserved examples of modernist architecture, often clashing with the public. While we have no Prince Charles encouraging traditional building design in Canada, we have scores of architects, landscape architects and urban planners who counter modernism with neotraditional community design, transportation-oriented design and environmentally conscious architecture. People do matter, and architecture cannot afford to be mere sculpture any longer. In this context, many of Erickson’s most famous works become symbols of an anti-urban past.

So despite the praises of Buium, Olsberg, Rochon and countless other architects and critics, Erickson’s passing reminds us that to err is human. While he and other modernists may have been visionaries, they succeeded most in raising architecture to a form of sculpture. But sculpture is merely meant to be viewed and experienced; built form, however interesting and unusual its form, has a function. People use it; they congregate in it; they depend upon it to be functional and in many cases, inspirational. Elevating concrete to marble status in a grey, overcast environment may be artistic, but it is certainly not appreciated by those who confront its bleakness each day. Blank, open urban plazas devoid of vegetation and seating areas may comprise a blank canvas, but they will never encourage people to sit and stay awhile. Genius is said to be misunderstood; I count myself with those who misunderstands the supposed genius of Erickson, listening instead to the persistent practical knowledge of the inner city, its people, and its spaces.

Housing and transportation infrastructure have made major impacts on the social and spatial geography of our towns and cities. While there are many examples of the two being planned together, researchers tend to work in separate silos. The recent trend towards planning for more sustainable cities has produced a number of policy initiatives to join the two areas. In the US, the Departments of Transportation (DOT) and Housing and Urban Development (HUD) are establishing a Sustainable Communities Initiative that will offer grants to metropolitan areas to coordinate land use and transportation planning, promote livability and transit-oriented development. In Canada, the Natural Resources Canada (NRCan) and Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation (CMHC) just launched EQuilibrium, will provide financial, technical and promotional assistance to neighbourhood development projects across the country chosen through a national competition. Community projects will be evaluated on energy; land use and housing; water, waste water and stormwater; transportation; natural environment; and financial viability. A brief look at planning documents at the City of Toronto, City of Brampton, Peel Region, and the Province of Ontario, highlights housing and transportation policies and the attempt to integrate these areas.

Housing

Housing has long been a major issue for the City of Toronto. The City’s Perspectives on Housing Tenure (2006) notes the need for more rental housing, particularly considering its role as the major immigrant reception area in Canada: 45% of Toronto’s immigrants live in rental housing, and 74% of recent immigrants who arrived less than two years ago. Younger households also place a strong demand on rental housing. Yet rent has become increasingly unaffordable since few new rental buildings have been built since the passing of the Condominium Act in 1976: from 1996-2006, only 5% of new housing built was rental. Rental conversion to condos is also a major issue: like other municipalities in Canada, the City of Toronto has placed strong controls on rental conversion.

In 2003, the City of Brampton endorsed a Municipal Housing Capital Facilities By-law, one of the prerequisites for the Region of Peel to receive its share of $680 million in federal affordable housing grants. The by-law would allow the Region of Peel to access both federal and provincial funds and enter into other incentive agreements with housing providers to develop affordable housing. Brampton’s Official Plan (2008) asserts the goal to provide for a range of housing opportunities (types, densities, tenure, and cost) to meet the diverse needs of people from various social, cultural, and economic backgrounds. They prescribe residential density (ranging from 30 units/acre to 200 units/acre) and mix (upscale executive and single detached to apartments and maisonettes) (Policy 4.1.1.2). They may require developers to provide affordable housing and prioritize applications for affordable housing (4.1.6.1).

Transportation

Transportation has also been a major issue in the City of Toronto, with its plethora of subway, streetcar, and bus routes. Toronto’s Transit City Plan (2006), with plans to build seven new LRT lines, is approved and funded by the Province of Ontario and linked to the Big Move, a larger plan being developed by Metrolinx, the regional transit authority. Under this plan, the region plans to construct to more than 1200 km of rapid transit lines, enabling 80% of people living in the Greater Toronto and Hamilton Region (GTHA) to be within 2km of rapid transit.

The City of Brampton’s Strategic Plan outlines its commitment to new roads, trails, better transit service and seamless connections to popular destinations in the Greater Toronto Area. Peel Region has an Official Plan objective to achieve a sustainable land use and transportation system, and Brampton’s Official Plan designates Bus Rapid Transit, Primary and Secondary Transit Corridors (4.4.4.2).

Housing + Transportation

The City of Toronto has a strong tradition of integrating housing with transportation, including aggressive marketing of air rights and available excess land parcels by the TTC, density bonus around subway stations, and city zoning classification changes around transit stations to permit higher density development. Recent efforts to plan more sustainable cities have continued to link housing and transportation infrastructure. The City’s Official Plan (2006) identifies “the Avenues”, underused lands along Toronto’s arterial roads in commercial and mixed-use areas, for future growth. These “offer the opportunity to increase the number of people living along major transit routes and to make use of underutilized infrastructure.”

The City of Brampton’s Official Plan includes an objective to “promote the development of an efficient transportation system and land use patterns that foster strong live-work relationships and encourage an enhanced public transit modal share.” It encourages “higher density mixed use of development along major streets to make transit a more practical choice for commuters” and “an integrated land use and transportation plan that provides a balanced transportation system giving priority to public transit and pedestrians and creating complete communities (compact, transit-oriented, and pedestrian-friendly with a mix of uses and a variety of housing choices, employment, and supporting services and facilities)”. They have a policy supporting transit-supportive nodes (3.2.2, 4.4.4.20), mixed-use, higher-density areas with good road and transit facilities), transit-oriented infill (3.2.5) along corridors, and higher density development at GO Transit stations (4.4.4.28).

The Province of Ontario introduced the Places to Grow Act in 2005; the act identifies 25 downtown areas as urban growth centres, setting minimum density targets to encourage revitalization. However, without planning for rental and affordable housing, this initiative will only encourage high-priced condo development in these areas.

While there is undoubtedly still work to be done, as policy does not always translate into practice, this short examination of planning documents shows that there is some effort to link housing and transportation in planning more sustainable cities.

A major governance change may significantly affect transportation decision-making in the Toronto region. Metrolinx, the Greater Toronto Transportation Authority formed in 2006, will absorb GO Transit, which operates regional transit services. As both are provincial bodies, they can be created, dissolved, or merged by the Province of Ontario. Transportation Minister Jim Bradley introduced the Greater Toronto and Hamilton Area Transit Implementation Act on March 30, 2009 amid concerns that the new Metrolinx board will not incorporate municipal mayors. In fact the legislation expressly forbids a municipal employee from sitting on the board, which is made up of fifteen high-level business people, only five of whom have any transit planning experience. A similar process took place in the Vancouver region in 2007 when Provincial Transportation Minister Kevin Falcon removed municipal delegates from the TransLink board, replacing them with his own hand-picked delegates.

Steve Munro, a vocal supporter of the transit in the Toronto region, voiced his discontent with the Ontario government’s decision. Munro argues that although the new legislation was introduced to push infrastructure through and override petty squabbles between municipalities, in reality the higher levels of government were usually at fault for failing to fund transportation initiatives in the region. This has resulted in years of inertia rather than good, solid investment and planning of transportation projects.

When was the last time Toronto copied Vancouver? The new Metrolinx board shares many similarities with the new TransLink board formed in November 2007, whose nine members boast only two with vague transit planning experience. Lower Mainland citizens were outraged when the board’s first action was to vote themselves a pay raise in February 2008. While the former board, composed of municipal employees, were paid $200 per meeting, and met once a month, the new board gets $1200 per meeting and hefty retainers between $25,000 and $100,000. Like the former board of elected municipal politicians, the new appointed board can raise property taxes, change taxation classifications, accumulate property and run its own police force. The new board makes most of its decisions in private and holds quarterly consultations with the mayors’ council: at the first of these meetings, several mayors stormed out after being unable have their opinions heard. Under Bill 43, the board is allowed to decide when and where to meet.

In Toronto, the new legislation proposes that the Metrolinx board meets in public:

  • On any occasion it determines
  • When the board is adoping or amending a regional transportation plan
  • When the board is considering approval of an investment strategy
  • When the corporation’s annual report is presented
  • When the corporation is considering a by-law to change the fares charged on its system

The board is not required to discuss capital planning or projects, the Metrolinx budget, or the investment strategy. It is unclear whether Metrolinx will take over ownership of municipal transportation infrastructure such as the subway; naturally any change in governance raises issues of local versus regional importance. This is rather important; we see the results of this fragmentation in Vancouver, where TransLink still hasn’t recovered from the 1998 split of BC Transit into Coast Mountain Bus Company, which does detailed route planing and operates buses, TransLink, which does comprehensive planning. The British Columbia Rapid Transit Company operates the SkyTrain, while the new Canada Line will be operated by InTransit BC.

An interesting note is that in both cases, the province claimed it was making the change in order to streamline decision-making in the region. Those of us with even a hint of planning experience can understand the frustrations of political agendas entering the decision making process: witness the construction of the Expo Skytrain Line in Vancouver for Expo 86 and its alignment through NDP ridings. However, in the Vancouver region, Bill 43 was introduced in part to expedite provincial will, ensuring that the region had less say in the decisions; the Canada Line had been voted down by the old TransLink Board three times. TransLink argued it could have more of an impact on transit in the region by increasing bus frequency and introducing more rapid bus services; the Province favoured the LRT. Some argue that TransLink was given a choice: accept the LRT or face funding shortfalls for transit in the region. Shortly afterward, Bill 43 was introduced to effectively eliminate regional voices. Now that’s streamlined!

I would urge Toronto transit advocates and municipal transportation planners to keep on top of the Province of Ontario’s decision. While the TTC still remains under municipal control, the Province plays a major role in infrastructure decisionmaking and funding. Compiling an “expert” board made up of the provincial minister’s investment buddies, none of whom take or advocate transit, is like asking a bunch of PC users to design Mac software. They just don’t have the knowledge to make good decisions. Just ask Vancouver transit users.