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Some photos of the new Canada Line on Sunday August 23rd, on the first weekend after its opening:

1. The City Hall Station at Cambie and Broadway 2. New multi-use building across from the station.

3. Airport check-in terminal 4. One of the new trains 5. Very crowded on this first weekend

6. The train nearing Marine Drive Station 7. Marine Drive Station

8 and 9. Walking across the bridge from Marine Drive to Bridgeport. 10. Looking back at Marine Drive Station

11 ad 12. The bike/pedestrian bridge running across Fraser River between Marine Drive and Bridgeport.

13. Bridgeport Station platform 14. Bridge support

It will be really interesting how the land use changes over time. Cambie/Broadway corner (top left) has changed remarkably over the last two years with construction of the Home Depot, Canadian Tire, Whole Foods and Crossroads Centre mixed-use development. But a lot of the line goes through industrial/warehousing land like around Marine Drive and Bridgeport Stations. Their waterfront locations probably mean luxury condo development is on the way, while industrial and agricultural land uses will fall by the wayside. The train is remarkably well integrated with commercial interests, such as the seamless integration of the Bridgeport station platform into River Rock Casino.

Housing has for decades been a major component of economic growth–and economic decline–in Canada and the US. The recent economic downturn was linked to the subprime mortgage crisis in the US, in a bid to encourage low-income renters to move into the housing market since house prices declined after September 11, 2001. While Canada wasn’t hit as hard (Canada Mortgage and Housing’s zero-down-payment mortgage only lasted from 2004-2008), every time the housing market threatens to level off, the Bank of Canada lowers the interest rate. Why are we so obsessed with housing as an investment? Why do policy, government programs, and society in general insist that homeownership is necessary? Shouldn’t housing’s postwar definition as a consumer product come secondary to its role as primary shelter?

While I harbour a fascination for conspiracy theories, this isn’t one. Before WWII, renting a home was the norm in Canada. But the National Housing Act was revised in 1944, and the Central Mortgage and Housing Corporation established in 1946. Like the FHA in the US, CMHC effectively controlled the physical design of suburbs because it directly insured residential mortgages and gave grants for social housing. It was basically a national planning agency with strong regulatory and financial power, the first to ever exist in Canada. Throughout the 1940s, Canadian planners began using Chicago School principles to identify neighbourhoods “decaying” or “blighted”. Usually these were areas with a large proportion of older, poorly maintained multifamily housing tenanted by the poor, immigrants, and renters. Urban renewal schemes, and their corrollaries, suburban housing developments, took off in the 1950s. Homeowners were redefined as wealthier, more stable, more family-oriented…and housing was redefined with the single-family home in the suburbs being the ideal.

While homeownership grew in prestige, renting declined. Steadily, the federal government and the renamed Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation have removed subsidies for rental housing, affordable housing and decreased its role in the development of other types of housing such as co-operatives and cohousing. The passing of Condominium Acts in the 1970s sealed the fate of rental housing: able to outbid rental developers and access federal and provincial subsidies, condo developers have changed the face of high-rise living in Canadian cities. In 2006, 10.9% of homeowners in Canada lived in condos, more than double the 4% who owned condos in 1981. Interestingly, the highest condo ownership rates were seen in Vancouver, Abbotsford, Victoria, and Kelowna. Single-person households traditionally have lower homeownership rates (52.2% in 2006 were renters), and they are one of the most rapidly-growing household types in the country. According to the 2006 Census, Canada’s homeownership rate that year was 68.4%, its highest since 1971. J. David Hulchanski, Director of the Center for Urban and Community Studies at University of Toronto, believes that high ownership rates are the direct result of federal and provincial housing policies that subsidize ownership over renting.

We’re often told that housing is a good investment. But a lot of that depends on where you buy and when you need to sell: what if you buy in a neighbourhood whose value doesn’t increase substantially? And what if you need to sell…well, now? Richard Florida recently compared US house prices in 300 cities and found on average, a 15% drop in prices from 2006-2009. Cities with an even greater price drop include L.A., San Francisco, Phoenix, Miami, Chicago, and Washington, D.C; prices didn’t drop as quickly in New York, Portland, Seattle, Baltimore, Boston, or Houston.

While housing may be a great long-term investment, should that be its primary purpose? What about the right of Canadians to suitable, affordable, and adequate housing? Housing affordability in Canadian cities is a major issue. From 2001-2006, housing costs increased by 12% for renters and 22% for owners. A quarter of homeowners spent over 30% of their incomes on housing, which is one of the three characteristics CMHC uses to measure core housing need (suitability, affordability, and adequacy). In 2006, half (50.1%) the households over the affordability threshold were renters and 41% were homeowners with mortgages. In 2001, renters were four times as likely as owners to be in core housing need. Other major groups in core housing need include those living in Canada’s largest cities, Aboriginals, the elderly, single-parent households, immigrant households, and those whose incomes are less than $20,000/year. These trends and the meteoric rise in housing prices in Canadian cities until last year mean that more people are buying housing merely to “flip” the next year, selling at a higher price to make a profit. This unrestrained profiteering further erodes affordability, although the recent economic decline has temporarily increased housing affordability in Canada.

Nearly 6 out of 10 homeowners in 2006 had a mortgage, which means big business for banks and for CMHC, which corners 70% of the mortgage market plus mortgage insurance (necessary for anyone who puts less than 20% down on their mortgage). Unlike our friends south of the border, Canadian homeowners cannot deduct mortgage interest from their taxes. While we may not have a mortgage crisis here, mortgage debt is very significant for many Canadian homeowners. Housing affordability concerns have started to edge out the market’s need for ever-increasing prices.

It’s particularly interesting that what’s good for renters is not good for owners. When housing prices rise, rents rise as well. This leaves owners richer if they decide to sell, and renters poorer. When interest rates rise, fewer people can afford to buy, which forces more people to stay in rental housing, lowering the vacancy rate. But these high rates also prevent developers from building new rental housing to fill the increased need, i.e. the law of supply and demand does not work for rental housing. Most Canadian cities have built decreasing numbers of rental units since the 1970s, so not only are there fewer rental units per capita than there were back then, but the ones we have are rapidly aging. Rental units are also extremely vulnerable to condo conversion, to the extent that some municipalities, such as North Vancouver, have passed by-laws banning condo conversion if their percentage of rental housing drops below a certain threshhold.

Municipalities have had to get pretty creative in their search for affordable housing options with almost no support from the provincial and federal governments. Vancouver just passed a by-law approving laneway housing in a bid to increase affordable housing options. Single-family homes backing onto a lane will be able to create units up to 500sq. ft. and 1 1/2 stories high to add affordable rental units to the city’s dwindling supply. The units will not allowed to be sold separately from the house, and are intended to supply smaller housing for particular life stages (in other places they’re known as “granny flats”). Vancouver had previously legalized secondary suites, usually in basements of single-family homes, to help deal with its housing affordability problems.

In Canada, many affordable housing and homelessness advocates argue that there is a crisis in housing affordability in our cities that can only be met by increased federal and provincial funding and incentives for rental housing. Richard Florida, in an article in the Globe and Mail at the height of the mortgage crisis (Nov. 28, 2009), recommended a massive increase in rental housing in the US to help alleviate housing needs for low- and moderate-income people, including the purchase and conversion of foreclosed properties to rental housing. He wrote that “Our reliance on single-family ownership is a product of the past 50 years—and the experiment has outlived its usefulness. Not only is it now readily apparent that not everyone should own a home, and that the mortgage system is a big part of what got us into the current financial mess,but homeownership also ties people to locations, making it harder for them to move to where the work is. Homeownership made sense when most people had one job and lived in the same city for life. But it makes less sense when people change jobs frequently and have to relocate to find new work.”

Florida’s recommendations were prescient: a major shift in US housing policy occurred on August 16, 2009. The Obama Administration announced it would spend $4.25 billion of economic stimulus money on the creation of tens of thousands of federally subsidized rental units in American cities. The money will go to build apartments and townhouses, but also to buy and refurbish foreclosed homes to be rented to low- and moderate-income families at affordable rates. Funds for the new units will be available to states on a competitive basis. Analysts call the move a practical solution to skyrocketing foreclosure rates, tight credit, and the economic crisis, saying “the Obama White House has acknowledged that not everyone can or should own a home.” It is expected to ease homelessness, which has increased during the mortgage crisis. In addition to the stimulus money, the government had also set aside $1.8 billion for the construction of rental housing, the same amount Congress approved last year.

While this is a major shift and worthy of celebration, it is very interesting to note what the conservative critics have to say. David John of the Heritage Center said the benefits of homeownership include building equity, family stability, and an overall improvement in society. Other conservative critics have said that homeownership decreases crime and helps people achieve financial independence. Likely these critics agree with George Bush, who in 2002 described the US as a “nation of homeowners.” Since the mortgage crisis, this ideology seems false or at least outdated. In both Canada and the US, the definition of homeownership as ideal, and homeowners as somehow better and more stable than renters, is what got us into the current mess. Not only has the relentless homeownership agenda now displaced thousands of people in the US, but it has made homeownership barely affordable in many Canadian cities as well.

Like the Obama administration, we need to acknowledge that homeownership is not the only answer. Housing needs to once again be redefined as primary shelter to which every Canadian has a right, rather than a consumer product that helps keep the economy buoyant. It is rather significant that it took a crisis as earth-shattering as the sub-prime mortgage crisis to redefine housing in the US. Let’s not wait for that moment in Canada.

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Aquatic Ecosystems Research Lab (top left), Chemical Engineering, Hugh Dempster Pavilion, Institute for Computing Information and Cognitive Sciences/Computer Science, Life Sciences Center, new Annex to the Sauder School of Business, Institute for Asian Studies, Forestry Sciences Centre

If you’re a Canadian university student, there’s an easy way to tell where your faculty stands in the university’s hierarchy. Just look around you. Does your building feature the latest in LEED technology, up-to-the-minute computer facilities, and lecture theaters equipped with comfortable chairs and ceiling-mounted digital projectors? You’re in the money…and by that I mean you’re a business or science student. On the other hand, if your faculty is located in what we used to call “portables” in grade school, and lacks all but basic lighting and plumbing, you’re probably in the social sciences.

This useful guide demonstrates these principles at UBC. One of the oldest, and most antiquated, universities in Canada, UBC has nothing but sharp distinctions between the “haves” and “have nots”. First, the rich folks. Computer science are a good example, with three (count’em, three) major buildings, the newest of which only contains classrooms (the Hugh Dempster Pavilion). Or the Forestry faculty, whose massive timber-lined fortress was built on donations from Weyerhouser and MacMillan Bloedel. If you’re studying science or business, your faculty is associated with, and sponsored by, mega corporations, and these important ties ensure you have the best facilities on campus. You also get a pile of grants, all the teaching assistantships you want, and often free lab or computer equipment. Not only that, your faculty is highly regarded by the university, politicians, and the public in general.

Your faculty could be one that used to be considered important. You know, like chemistry (not chemical engineering…chemistry). Or geography. Or sociology. Subjects that commanded a lot of prestige back in the day when universities were about learning first and patenting inventions second. Your building was either built 100 years ago or 40 years ago, the two major university-building eras in Canadian history. So either you’re in a beautiful stone building that has just been brought up to safety codes, or you’re in a 1960s modernist bunker.

Education, Biological Sciences, Earth and Ocean Sciences, Music,

Chemistry (South Wing), Chemistry (North Wing), Education, Biological Sciences, Earth and Ocean Sciences, Music, and Geography

If your faculty is considered marginally important to society (ie, your research does not involve mathematical predictions, computer models, or patentable organisms or technology) then the university and the public have ensured that your faculty is in marginal condition. There’s no need to lock your doors because the computer equipment is at least a decade or two old. It would be difficult to tell if vandals had set upon your building the night before. And suffice it to say, your classrooms are barely sufficient and your graduate students are crowded into tiny offices with 1970s chairs.

Binning Studios (Visual Arts), Landscape Architecture Studios, Visual Arts, Community and Regional Planning, Women's and Gender Studies

Binning Studios (Visual Arts), Landscape Architecture Studios, Visual Arts, Community and Regional Planning, Women's and Gender Studies

Neo-liberal principles are certainly alive and well at UBC. At this rate it won’t be long until we’ve eroded even English and History as valid subjects of study. Not to mention the difficulty of getting research funding in the social sciences: the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council was recently forced to cut its funding to cover only business-related degrees. What about NSERC, the natural sciences equivalent? No worries, the government and multi-million dollar industries still support you.

Think your university is more balanced in its capital spending? If it’s publicly funded, like most Canadian universities, it’s pretty likely they’ve embraced public-private partnerships, which means only the rich shall survive.

There are a number of indexes around that measure how easy it is to walk in your neighbourhood. Each seems to have a different focus: pedestrian safety, urban design characteristics that encourage walking, accessibility to shops and services. However, the main agenda is the same: to increase walking in North American cities.

As I mentioned in a previous post, Dr. Barry Wellar (University of Ottawa) developed a Walking Safety Index that has been used by several municipalities in evaluating their intersections. Municipalities are encouraged to give signal light priority to pedestrians at intersections, design them to achieve safety, comfort, convenience, and well-being of pedestrians, and apply the WSI to transportation projects, official plan amendments, rezoning applications and site plans. Further, transit vehicles should be able to change signal lights, should be given priority right-of-way to enter traffic lanes, surface parking lots should be removed from areas served by transit, a moratorium imposed on road and street expenditures, and road maintenance budgets reduced to accelerate the shift from car to walking, cycling, and transit.

The World Bank developed a Walkability Index for its clients in the Far East. It aims to correct some of the walkability issues in developing cities by developing awareness in city planners and city officials, which will lead to better pedestrian infrastructure and safety measures.

Larry Frank, James Sallis, Brian Saelens, et al. have generated a Walkability Index to be used in planning and health research. This is based on extensive research involving the urban design qualities that encourage walking, including lighting, walking surface, intersection design, accessibility to services, pedestrian safety measures, and surrounding land uses.

A quick online version of this is Walk Score, which ranks your neighbourhood walkability in terms of distances to services, schools, retail amenities, etc. You type in your address (n.b., it works for Canadian addresses as well) and it uses Google Maps to calculate the distances to these services and amenities. UBC campus got 52 out of 100, “somewhat walkable”, not surprising since there is no grocery store within walking distance (yet: the Save-On is due to open in a few months). Walk Score also pegged the nearest library as 2.6 km away, because it only picked up the closest Vancouver Public Library branch and not the many UBC libraries within walking distance. It missed a couple of local restaurants and the green grocers. And while Walk Score lists parks and fitness centers, it doesn’t list bike paths. So there are clearly some limitations here, like Google Maps doesn’t have all small local business listings. Interesting, since WalkScore’s objective is to “help homebuyers and renters find houses and apartments in great neighbourhoods.”

Yellow Pages has a search function that lets you see how many businesses are within a specified radius of your house. On yellowpages.ca, go to “By Proximity” and enter an address and type of business you’d like to find. For UBC this search picked up 11 restaurants within 1km, 3 more within 2km, and 20 more within 3.5km (the main street closest to campus). Just as a comparison, I typed in Yonge and Bloor (a main intersection in downtown Toronto) and there were 242 restaurants within a 1km radius!

These various walkability indexes can be used by both planners and the general public to get a rough estimate of accessibility in local neighbourhoods. The last two could be particularly useful when relocating to a new neighbourhood or while on vacation, but it should be noted that they concentrate on retail or commercial amenities and not parks, bike trails, scenic or natural attractions.

Vancouver is one of many cities built around a deep-water port. The land around the industrial port, False Creek, has proven to be crucial in the redefinition of the city as a postmodern, postindustrial leisure place. The redevelopment of the area, now in its fourth decade, began with Granville Island and False Creek South, two 1970s projects ushered in during one of Vancouver’s most progressive political regimes. It continues today with Southeast False Creek, which includes the Olympic Village for the 2010 Winter Olympics. Travelling False Creek by boat gives a sense of the remarkable transformation the area has seen since its industrial heyday in the 1930 and 1940s.

As Granville Island factories serving the mining, forestry, construction, and shipping sectors began to fail in the 1950s, a new use for the area was needed. The 38-acre site was redeveloped as a multi-use area with a mix of industrial, artistic, market, housing, and retail uses, and is still owned and managed by Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation (CMHC), which spearheaded the redevelopment. The cement plant, one of the last vestiges of industrial use on the island, can be seen from the Granville Street Bridge.

Houseboats and industry still co-exist on Granville Island

Houseboats and industry still co-exist on Granville Island

False Creek South includes co-op housing and other mixed-income housing, which if you know anything about Canadian housing policy dates it to the 1970s when CMHC actually encouraged, and even helped fund, non-market housing and tenure types other than ownership.

Then came Expo 86. A considerable amount of former industrial land was used for the world fair, as well as constructing the Expo Center (now Science World), BC Place and the SkyTrain, to satisfy the themes of transportation and communication.

BC Place (low white stadium in front) with Yaletown development behind

BC Place (low white stadium in front) with Yaletown development behind

Expo Center, now Science World

Expo Center, now Science World

After Expo, the provincial government sold the majority of the land to Hong Kong developer Li Ka-Shing, whose Concord Pacific development company re-invented the Yaletown area. Depending on who you ask, this chain of events either spurred foreign investment in Vancouver, leading to a much-needed real estate boom and bringing it out of the pre-Expo recession…or it signalled the end of affordable housing and development for the local population in Vancouver, ushering in an era of globalization and immigration to the formerly sleepy forestry town. Probably both.

Yaletown, on the north side of False Creek

Yaletown, on the north side of False Creek

Currently under construction is Southeast False Creek, an 80-acre site which includes the Olympic Village. Billed as LEED Gold Standard construction, and with some “affordable” units (ie, a 700-sq. foot unit in Vancouver can run upwards of $400,000), the discussion over how many units would be “affordable” almost overshadowed the conversations over how to measure its sustainability. It is shocking how different such development is from the Granville Island and False Creek South initiatives, which managed to integrate a mixture of different housing types and tenure types to provide housing for a variety of income levels with the assistance of the federal and provincial governments. How the times have changed.

Olympic Village

Olympic Village

Note the sign: "Own the ultimate 2010 souvenir"

Note the sign: "Own the ultimate 2010 souvenir"

It is bittersweet to see these former industrial areas completely revamped, particularly when viewed from the water. The ships that still sail into False Creek carrying loads of freight (there is still an industrial area near Cambie Street) look almost out of place amidst all the shiny plate glass post-1990s development of Yaletown and Southeast False Creek. Most freight now heads to Burrard Inlet on the north side of the Downtown Peninsula instead. The pleasure craft, including kayaks, sailboats (including my hardy Alaska friends who are on a two-year sailing spree), powerboats and even dragon boats, look more at home in this transformed postindustrial landscape for the wealthy. Industrial land is now scarce in the region, so scarce in fact that Metro Vancouver now has plans to save what little is remaining.

The redevelopment of False Creek was both the beginning and the end for Vancouver: the beginning of a dense, urban centre with a population nearing two million, and the end of a small, provincial, densely forested town. Expo 86 is widely considered the event that “put Vancouver on the map” resulting in a population explosion and countless new business and development initiatives (read David Ley, Tom Hutton, John Punter or Katharyne Mitchell for more details). Doubtless Olympic fever will bring more of the same, for better or for worse. Transitions are always difficult, and Vancouver will soon experience more growing pains.

Like many cities in North America, Vancouver is in a love affair with roundabouts. And why not: traffic engineers tell us they improve vehicle safety, increase roadway capacity and efficiency, reduce vehicular delay and emissions, provide traffic-calming effects, and mark community gateways. But hang on…isn’t this just another road design that prioritizes cars over pedestrians and cyclits?

roundabout-labels1

At a roundabout, pedestrians must wait until there is a gap in traffic to cross, placing them at a considerable disadvantage from traditional stop signs and stop lights. There is no designated time for pedestrians to cross, like a walk signal, which means at a busy intersection you can wait several minutes. And there are reasons to fear for pedestrian safety as well.

Studies shows that while the risk of serious vehicle collisions is decreased, this is mainly because they reduce collisions where cars run red lights/stop signs or drivers misjudge the gap in oncoming traffic while turning. The US Access Board, a Federal agency committed to accessible design, writes that “the research findings on pedestrian safety at roundabouts are less clear. There have been relatively few studies, mostly conducted in Europe, concerning pedestrians and roundabouts.” Little is known about the effects of roundabouts on the particular demographic groups, such as the elderly, children, and those with accessibility issues. Many drivers do not yield to pedestrians at crosswalks, and it might be difficult to tell if they plan to yield; as the traffic volume increases, the number of “crossable gaps” decreases.

The design of a roundabout also pushes the crosswalks away from the intersection, creating travel paths that are inconvenient for pedestrians, according to the New Urban News. New Urbanists have been promoting roundabouts for many years as a traffic calming measure, despite any evidence that they increase pedestrian safety.

In England, where roundabouts are commonplace, drivers are reasonably vigilant and yield to pedestrians. Nevertheless, the real advantage of roundabouts is that cars are not required to stop. Drivers generally like them for this reason; it reduces their travel time. But what does this do for pedestrians? It again places them at the bottom of the pecking order, and places them at considerable risk. It also lengthens their travel time considerably, as they must cross several directions of traffic, waiting for gaps each time. Compare this to a regular four-way signalled intersection, where the pedestrian gets a clear walk signal and does not have to determine whether it is safe to cross. In other words, the problem that cars supposedly have at four-way intersections (trying to judge the gap in traffic) is transferred to the pedestrian, who is not encased in steel for protection.

Path 1 shows the pedestrian at risk at four different instances; Path 2 (simply continuing straight through the intersection) shows two instances of risk

Path 1 here shows the pedestrian encountering traffic in two instances; Path 2 shows the pedestrian must cross four lanes of traffic. In all cases, since this is a roundabout, traffic does not stop and pedestrian paths are greatly increased from a traditional four-way signalled intersection.

Interestingly, public opinion on roundabouts is divided. Many drivers I know detest them, and find them difficult and confusing to use. A cab driver recently told me that he hated the new roundabouts in Vancouver, but one friend of mine defended them. She hails from England and says that the problem is simply public education: North American drivers just don’t know how to use roundabouts. When the issue of pedestrian safety is raised, she said, “I see nothing wrong with pedestrians having to wait a few minutes to cross the street. There’s way too much encouragement of pedestrians getting the right of way all the time, even when it’s unsafe.” 

I wonder what experts like Barry Wellar, a retired University of Ottawa professor who studies public safety and testifies at trials where pedestrians and cyclists are injured, thinks about roundabouts. Wellar developed the Pedestrian Safety Index, which some municipalities have been using to evaluate their busiest intersections. Similarly, John Pucher of Rutgers University discusses the many innovations in Europe designed for pedestrian safety, including advanced crossings for pedestrians, scatter crossings, grade-separations and separate pedestrian and cyclist signals. One of Pucher’s main arguments is that pedestrians and cyclists increase in number with increased safety precautions; he also argues that penalties for striking a pedestrian or cyclist are much harsher in Europe.

Surely we should be examining all the different safety aspects of roundabouts if they are to be applied everywhere from quiet residential streets to major intersections such as the one pictured in this article. My guess is the UBC roundabout, which was converted from a signalized intersection last year, will prove treacherous to the pedestrians (many of them seniors) crossing the intersection at 16th and Wesbook Mall to access the new grocery store, community centre, school, and housing in the area. But UBC already has plans for another roundabout, and like many municipalities seems content to let traffic engineers’ reports lead the way. 

The US Access Board makes several suggestions for improving roundabouts for blind pedestrians, including:

  • Landscaping, planters, pedestrian channelization, bollard-and-chain separation, railings, and other architectural features can delineate paths that lead to the crosswalk and prevent or discourage crossing at locations other than the crosswalk; a distinctive edge such as a raised curb
  • Traffic calming measures to ensure vehicles are travelling at low speeds, which influences whether or not they will yield to a pedestrian
  • Raised crossings to discourage vehicle acceleration
  • ‘Smart’ signals that can sense and signal a pedestrian’s presence
  • ‘Splitter’ islands with a detectable surface, which can be used as a pedestrian refuge
  • Public awareness campaigns encouraging drivers to yield to pedestrians

These measures can help counterract some of the pedestrian safety issues associated with roundabouts, but the fundamental question of whether they are advantageous for all transportation modes is not addressed. Pedestrians and cyclists are considerably disadvantaged by roundabouts as compared to traditional street crossings, proving once again that traffic engineers have a tendency to prioritize cars’ needs over non-motorized transportation modes. Hopefully we learn more about roundabouts through research and not pedestrian and cyclist fatalities.