Housing has for decades been a major component of economic growth–and economic decline–in Canada and the US. The recent economic downturn was linked to the subprime mortgage crisis in the US, in a bid to encourage low-income renters to move into the housing market since house prices declined after September 11, 2001. While Canada wasn’t hit as hard (Canada Mortgage and Housing’s zero-down-payment mortgage only lasted from 2004-2008), every time the housing market threatens to level off, the Bank of Canada lowers the interest rate. Why are we so obsessed with housing as an investment? Why do policy, government programs, and society in general insist that homeownership is necessary? Shouldn’t housing’s postwar definition as a consumer product come secondary to its role as primary shelter?

While I harbour a fascination for conspiracy theories, this isn’t one. Before WWII, renting a home was the norm in Canada. But the National Housing Act was revised in 1944, and the Central Mortgage and Housing Corporation established in 1946. Like the FHA in the US, CMHC effectively controlled the physical design of suburbs because it directly insured residential mortgages and gave grants for social housing. It was basically a national planning agency with strong regulatory and financial power, the first to ever exist in Canada. Throughout the 1940s, Canadian planners began using Chicago School principles to identify neighbourhoods “decaying” or “blighted”. Usually these were areas with a large proportion of older, poorly maintained multifamily housing tenanted by the poor, immigrants, and renters. Urban renewal schemes, and their corrollaries, suburban housing developments, took off in the 1950s. Homeowners were redefined as wealthier, more stable, more family-oriented…and housing was redefined with the single-family home in the suburbs being the ideal.

While homeownership grew in prestige, renting declined. Steadily, the federal government and the renamed Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation have removed subsidies for rental housing, affordable housing and decreased its role in the development of other types of housing such as co-operatives and cohousing. The passing of Condominium Acts in the 1970s sealed the fate of rental housing: able to outbid rental developers and access federal and provincial subsidies, condo developers have changed the face of high-rise living in Canadian cities. In 2006, 10.9% of homeowners in Canada lived in condos, more than double the 4% who owned condos in 1981. Interestingly, the highest condo ownership rates were seen in Vancouver, Abbotsford, Victoria, and Kelowna. Single-person households traditionally have lower homeownership rates (52.2% in 2006 were renters), and they are one of the most rapidly-growing household types in the country. According to the 2006 Census, Canada’s homeownership rate that year was 68.4%, its highest since 1971. J. David Hulchanski, Director of the Center for Urban and Community Studies at University of Toronto, believes that high ownership rates are the direct result of federal and provincial housing policies that subsidize ownership over renting.

We’re often told that housing is a good investment. But a lot of that depends on where you buy and when you need to sell: what if you buy in a neighbourhood whose value doesn’t increase substantially? And what if you need to sell…well, now? Richard Florida recently compared US house prices in 300 cities and found on average, a 15% drop in prices from 2006-2009. Cities with an even greater price drop include L.A., San Francisco, Phoenix, Miami, Chicago, and Washington, D.C; prices didn’t drop as quickly in New York, Portland, Seattle, Baltimore, Boston, or Houston.

While housing may be a great long-term investment, should that be its primary purpose? What about the right of Canadians to suitable, affordable, and adequate housing? Housing affordability in Canadian cities is a major issue. From 2001-2006, housing costs increased by 12% for renters and 22% for owners. A quarter of homeowners spent over 30% of their incomes on housing, which is one of the three characteristics CMHC uses to measure core housing need (suitability, affordability, and adequacy). In 2006, half (50.1%) the households over the affordability threshold were renters and 41% were homeowners with mortgages. In 2001, renters were four times as likely as owners to be in core housing need. Other major groups in core housing need include those living in Canada’s largest cities, Aboriginals, the elderly, single-parent households, immigrant households, and those whose incomes are less than $20,000/year. These trends and the meteoric rise in housing prices in Canadian cities until last year mean that more people are buying housing merely to “flip” the next year, selling at a higher price to make a profit. This unrestrained profiteering further erodes affordability, although the recent economic decline has temporarily increased housing affordability in Canada.

Nearly 6 out of 10 homeowners in 2006 had a mortgage, which means big business for banks and for CMHC, which corners 70% of the mortgage market plus mortgage insurance (necessary for anyone who puts less than 20% down on their mortgage). Unlike our friends south of the border, Canadian homeowners cannot deduct mortgage interest from their taxes. While we may not have a mortgage crisis here, mortgage debt is very significant for many Canadian homeowners. Housing affordability concerns have started to edge out the market’s need for ever-increasing prices.

It’s particularly interesting that what’s good for renters is not good for owners. When housing prices rise, rents rise as well. This leaves owners richer if they decide to sell, and renters poorer. When interest rates rise, fewer people can afford to buy, which forces more people to stay in rental housing, lowering the vacancy rate. But these high rates also prevent developers from building new rental housing to fill the increased need, i.e. the law of supply and demand does not work for rental housing. Most Canadian cities have built decreasing numbers of rental units since the 1970s, so not only are there fewer rental units per capita than there were back then, but the ones we have are rapidly aging. Rental units are also extremely vulnerable to condo conversion, to the extent that some municipalities, such as North Vancouver, have passed by-laws banning condo conversion if their percentage of rental housing drops below a certain threshhold.

Municipalities have had to get pretty creative in their search for affordable housing options with almost no support from the provincial and federal governments. Vancouver just passed a by-law approving laneway housing in a bid to increase affordable housing options. Single-family homes backing onto a lane will be able to create units up to 500sq. ft. and 1 1/2 stories high to add affordable rental units to the city’s dwindling supply. The units will not allowed to be sold separately from the house, and are intended to supply smaller housing for particular life stages (in other places they’re known as “granny flats”). Vancouver had previously legalized secondary suites, usually in basements of single-family homes, to help deal with its housing affordability problems.

In Canada, many affordable housing and homelessness advocates argue that there is a crisis in housing affordability in our cities that can only be met by increased federal and provincial funding and incentives for rental housing. Richard Florida, in an article in the Globe and Mail at the height of the mortgage crisis (Nov. 28, 2009), recommended a massive increase in rental housing in the US to help alleviate housing needs for low- and moderate-income people, including the purchase and conversion of foreclosed properties to rental housing. He wrote that “Our reliance on single-family ownership is a product of the past 50 years—and the experiment has outlived its usefulness. Not only is it now readily apparent that not everyone should own a home, and that the mortgage system is a big part of what got us into the current financial mess,but homeownership also ties people to locations, making it harder for them to move to where the work is. Homeownership made sense when most people had one job and lived in the same city for life. But it makes less sense when people change jobs frequently and have to relocate to find new work.”

Florida’s recommendations were prescient: a major shift in US housing policy occurred on August 16, 2009. The Obama Administration announced it would spend $4.25 billion of economic stimulus money on the creation of tens of thousands of federally subsidized rental units in American cities. The money will go to build apartments and townhouses, but also to buy and refurbish foreclosed homes to be rented to low- and moderate-income families at affordable rates. Funds for the new units will be available to states on a competitive basis. Analysts call the move a practical solution to skyrocketing foreclosure rates, tight credit, and the economic crisis, saying “the Obama White House has acknowledged that not everyone can or should own a home.” It is expected to ease homelessness, which has increased during the mortgage crisis. In addition to the stimulus money, the government had also set aside $1.8 billion for the construction of rental housing, the same amount Congress approved last year.

While this is a major shift and worthy of celebration, it is very interesting to note what the conservative critics have to say. David John of the Heritage Center said the benefits of homeownership include building equity, family stability, and an overall improvement in society. Other conservative critics have said that homeownership decreases crime and helps people achieve financial independence. Likely these critics agree with George Bush, who in 2002 described the US as a “nation of homeowners.” Since the mortgage crisis, this ideology seems false or at least outdated. In both Canada and the US, the definition of homeownership as ideal, and homeowners as somehow better and more stable than renters, is what got us into the current mess. Not only has the relentless homeownership agenda now displaced thousands of people in the US, but it has made homeownership barely affordable in many Canadian cities as well.

Like the Obama administration, we need to acknowledge that homeownership is not the only answer. Housing needs to once again be redefined as primary shelter to which every Canadian has a right, rather than a consumer product that helps keep the economy buoyant. It is rather significant that it took a crisis as earth-shattering as the sub-prime mortgage crisis to redefine housing in the US. Let’s not wait for that moment in Canada.

For the past few years there has been a remarkable amount of research looking at immigrant settlement patterns in Toronto, Vancouver, and Montreal. While these articles rely upon the latest data from the 2006 Census, they are informed by models of urban growth and change that are decades old. This, and their American origins, may influence their application to Canadian cities.

A recent example of the media coverage of immigrant settlement patterns is Doug Sanders article in The Globe and Mail (Are poor ‘ethnic’ areas cages?, February 28, 2009). Sanders asks whether areas with high immigrant concentrations are ethnic ghettos, “where people are trapped in a culturally isolated island of poverty and permanent segregation” or ethnic enclaves, “where people choose to live among fellow immigrants in order to forge ties to the new country, launch small businesses and help one another become members of Canadian society so that their kids can live elsewhere.” Sanders criticizes other writers who have implied that Canadian cities are becoming increasingly polarized and segregated. He also points out that many groups who have more segregated residential patterns are wealthy, such as the Jewish and Italian populations in Toronto.

Although Sanders never mentions them, long-standing theories about how cities grow and change underlie his article. The four most important are the concentric growth model (Charles Booth, 1902), the spatial assimilation model (E.W. Burgess, 1925), the housing career model, and the spatial mismatch model (John F. Kain, 1969).

The concentric growth model is by far the oldest; in fact, Booth was merely the first modern scholar to write about concentric patterns in cities. Burgess further developed the concentric model, arguing that socio-economic status increased towards the edges of the city. Concentric zones were the financial and office district, central retail district, wholesale and light manufacturing zone, heavy manufacturing zone, zone of workingmens’ homes, residential zone, and commuter zone. In 1920s Chicago, when Burgess was writing, the poorest areas of the city were next to manufacturing districts, while the wealthiest were located in rail and streetcar suburbs on the edge of the city. Chicago’s ethnic groups (main Italian, Chinese, and African American) lived in the workingmens’ zone. It was Burgess’ assumption that since the periphery of the city was the most desirable area to live, immigrants would eventually move outward as their socioeconomic status increased (the spatial assimilation model). Although the two models were criticized and found inaccurate only a decade later in Homer Hoyt’s 1939 study of 142 American cities, they have remained remarkably influential.

The housing career model is one of the most commonly used in research dealing with immigrants’ settlement patterns. It likely originated with the Federal Housing Administration (US) and Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation early in the postwar era. Home ownership was then considered more stable and socially acceptable than renting; housing also quickly became a valuable consumer product in the late 1940s. The housing career model is based upon the idealized human life cycle, which includes pre-child, childearing, childrearing and launching, post-child, and later life stages. The model is linear and progressive; families are assumed to move towards single family home ownership and then to downsize as they get older. The model is used extensively in economic and housing forecasts, and in municipal planning documents.

The spatial mismatch model was developed by John F. Kain. In his view, a major reason behind spatial mismatch was the segregation of African Americans due to housing market discrimination. As cities grew and employers increasingly located in the suburbs, African Americans were unable to move to suburban housing, and in many cases unable to travel to suburban settings due to low car ownership. This resulted in longer commute distances and decreased labour market participation for African Americans.

Interestingly, these models were all (perhaps with the exception of housing career) created in the American context. While Canadian culture is similar, there are a number of marked differences between Canadian and American cities. First and foremost, Canada’s population is concentrated in very few large cites, and a good number of mid-sized ones. Toronto (5.1 million), Montreal (3.6 million), and Vancouver (2.1 million) are the Big Three. Following them are Ottawa-Gatineau (1.1 million), Calgary (1.1 million), Edmonton (715,500), Winnipeg (694,600), and Hamilton (692,900). Sixty percent of immigrants settle in the Big Three; the vast majority end up in Toronto (over 40%). Almost half (2.2 million) of Toronto’s population are immigrants.

Secondly, even back in the 1970s, researchers remarked that Toronto did not have a “race problem”. This is not to deny the racism faced by Chinese and South Asian Canadians a century ago, nor that faced by the Jewish and Italian communities until the 1960s (in fact, these four groups are still among the most segregated in Canadian cities). However, Canadian cities are devoid of the large swathes of inner city segregation common to many American cities. University of Toronto researchers Alan Walks and Larry Bourne studied residential segregation in all 27 Canadian Census Metropolitan Areas. While largest cities had the highest proportion of segregated neighbourhoods, there were no ghettos (which were classified as census tracts having at least 70% minority residents, 66% from one single ethnic group and at least 30% of ethnic group members living in such neighbourhoods). Although some groups were segregated, none approached the level of segregation experienced by African Americans in the US. Further, Walks and Bourne found that residential segregation decreased from 1991-2001, but many visible minority groups were moving into areas with high proportions of other visible minorities. The researchers linked this to the availability of low-rent apartment housing and increasing affordability problems among new immigrants. Other researchers have found that rising rates of segregation are in fact due to the fact that a commonly-used method, the Index of Segregation, measures the extent to which minority group members are exposed only to one another in their neighbourhood. As Canadian cities become more diverse, this likelihood increases, resulting in higher rates of segregation.

These differences between Canadian and American cities are crucial. In addition to this are trends common in postindustrial cities. Toronto and Vancouver in particular have tight housing markets and competitive rents. Combined with structural changes like immigration policy and economic restructuring, immigrants cannot possibly settle in Canadian cities following the concentric pattern established in the interwar period in the US. Numerous articles have explored the causes behind immigrants’ settlement directly in suburban areas in these two cities (see ‘Immigrants prefer suburbs to living in core areas’, Globe and Mail, March 31, 2008). Some, like Anthony Reinhart, imply that while the housing career model is incorrect here (immigrants are settling directly in single-family housing rather than transitioning into it gradually) the core principles of spatial assimilation are intact (immigrants are choosing the most desirable housing location). But in a city with high housing prices and high rents, are immigrants choosing the most desirable housing, or simply the most affordable? Are they, in fact, ‘choosing’ at all, when inner city neighbourhoods are increasingly dominated by luxury condos beyond their means? This remains to be seen.

Finally, should these models continue to drive our planning practices? For example, is it acceptable that the most desirable areas to live in are at the edge of the city? Is this true in today’s postmodern city with a strong demand for urban loft living? Should we focus housing policy on homeownership, at the expense of rental housing, co-operatives and other tenure types? When the average family cannot afford a home in Toronto or Vancouver, perhaps it is time for policy shift. In our multicultural country, is it acceptable that we expect immigrants to integrate into suburban neighbourhoods with the Canadian-born? Or have we finally accepted the idea that ethnic neighbourhoods and mixed neighbourhoods can co-exist? The media storm on this issue indicates that we have not.